The Social Class Structures Sociology Essay

The Social Class Structures Sociology Essay The Sumerian civilization was one of the earliest in Mesopotamia. The Sumerians existed around 3500-1750 B.C. The Sumerian civilization was not discovered until the 19th century. The following manuscript will cover three key topics the Sumerian Creation Story, the compared social class system to the contemporary United States, and how the hierarchical structure set forth by the Sumerian Empire compares with our current criminal justice system. Lastly, the educational material will show the similarities and differences between the ancient Sumerian Empire and todays contemporary United States. This research will help individuals understand early civilizations and how they compare to todays society. The information discovered will also show how early civilizations built their societies. The Social Class Structures and Criminal Justice Systems of Sumerian and the United States Sumer was a collection of city states around the Lower Tigris and Euphrates rivers in what is now southern Iraq. It was a collection of farming villages. Each of these cities had individual rulers; although the leader of the dominant city could have been considered the king of the region. The Sumerians formed the earliest written language. Their religious beliefs also are found to have some similarities with the Bible, especially the book of Genesis. This essay will compare and contrast the Sumerian Empire and the United States. To compare and contrast the two the Sumerian Creation, social classes, and criminal justice system will be assessed. First, I will evaluate the story of the Sumerian Creation. Next, I will compare the different social classes between the Sumerian civilization and the United States. Lastly, I will discuss the hierarchical structure set forth by the Sumerian Empire compared to our current criminal justice system. Literature Review This literature review focuses on literature regarding Sumer and the Sumerian Creation Story, particularly focusing on the Sumerian social class hierarchy. Additionally, this literature review examines the contemporary social structure in the United States and the current criminal justice system. Discussion Sumerian Creation Story The Sumerians Creation Story begins with the earth and the heavens being created in the sea. The Sumerian myths have been pieced together due to the age of the remains found. After the earth and the heavens were created the gods created cities and each city had its own god. The male god, An, and the female god, Ki, gave birth to Enlil, the chief god of the pantheon. Enlil impregnated Ninlil, the goddess of wind, which created the moon. When the moon was created then it was time to create humans. The Sumerian gods created some humans out of silt or clay. From the evaluation of the Sumerians Creation Story similarities to the Bible can be found. As in Genesis, the Sumerians world is formed the heavens and earth are separated from one another by a solid dome. The second chapter of Genesis introduces the paradise Eden, a place which is similar to the Sumerian Dilmun. (Gen. 2:9-10) In the second version of the creation of man The Lord God formed man out of the clay of the ground and blew into his nostrils the breath of life, and so man became a living being. The Sumerian gods used a similar method in creating man (Kramer Maier p. 33). Sumerian and United States: Social Class The Sumerian social class is split into three social groups. These social groups consist of upper class, in-between class or middle class, and lowest class. At the top of the Sumerian upper class is the king and priests. The upper class also included landowners, government officials, and merchants. Something that stood out in the Sumerian social class was that women had more rights in early Sumer than in later Mesopotamia. Upper class women were priestesses. The Sumerian women were landowners, merchants, artisans, and most raised children. Slaves made up the lowest class along with prisoners, orphans, poor children, and debtors. The Sumerians used slaves as cheap labor. Sumerians allowed slaves the right to do business, borrow money, and buy freedom. In the United States the economists and sociologists have not devised exact guidelines for the social classes. Instead there are two set classes including the three-class model that consist of the rich, middle class, and the poor. In the three-class model the rich of course have the wealth, middle class consist of those who work white collar jobs, and the poor are the blue collar workers or those who are unemployed. The other model that is most commonly used is the five-class model including upper class, upper-middle, middle-middle, lower-middle, and lower class. In the five-class model it is broke down a little more. The upper class term is applied to the blue bloods who are the families who are multi-generational wealth. These families also have leadership in high society. The rest of the upper class is followed by those who have made significant investment off of capital and stock options as well as the corporate elite who have high salary jobs such as being a Chief Executive Offi cers (CEO). The upper middle class consists of highly-educated salaried professional: physicians, lawyers, scientists, and professors. The upper middle class tends to have a great influence over society. The middle class and the lower middle class seem to overlap. The middle class consists of semi-professionals, craftsmen, office staff, and sales employees. These people often have college degrees. The lower middle class often includes the same professions except for those in the lower middle class do not have a college degree. Those without the college degree are often on the entry level in those careers. The low class is the blue collar workers. These blue collar workers are considered the working poor. Most of the population in the United States is considered the working class or the working poor. Sumerian and United States: Criminal Justice System The Sumerian legal system, one of the earliest known criminal justice systems, focused on a citizens compliance with the social norms and religious beliefs of the day. Regardless of social class, strict compliance with orders and instructions was rewarded, while failure to comply was punished (Sterba, 1976, p. 25). Such punishment was commensurate with the injury (Sterba, 1976). The Sumerians established a system of laws to deal with personal injuries, slave issues, sexual offenses, marital problems, and agricultural disputes ´ (Milosavljevic, 2007, p. 7). Regulating the behavior of its citizens helped keep the social order. From its earliest days, the criminal justice system in America has served to protect the interests of the rich, property-owning classes. Crime is often associated with the working poor and the underclass (Jargowsky Park, 2009). Because of this, crime is often a problem in urban areas with low income levels. Elevated crime levels have been attributed to neighborhood social disorganization stemming from urban structural changes, residential instability, and racial/ethnic transitions (Jargowsky Park, 2009, p.30). The contemporary criminal justice system has been viewed as a means of regulating class interests by insuring that enforcement efforts are directed toward the regulation of the poor. (Weiner, 1975, p. 436). Conclusion There are several differences between Sumer and contemporary American society. For instance, the position of women is markedly different in the two social structures. Additionally, slavery no longer exists in the United States, eliminating this lowest of social classes. The communal lifestyle of Sumer stands in sharp contrast to the capitalist society of the United States. Finally, the criminal justice systems of these two societies have different goals and objectives. Among the differences between Sumer and the United States is the position of women in society. In Sumer, it was the male citizens who comprised the assembly of elders and who controlled the power and wealth of the community. Unlike in Sumer, the United States is no longer controlled exclusively by men. In the United States, the proclamation that  ³all men are created equal ´ has been interpreted to include women as well as people from all social classes. The Fourteenth Amendments Equal Protection clause guarantees that no state shall deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws (U.S. Const. Amend. XIV). Thus, people of all classes, as well as women, are protected equally by the laws of the United States. Another difference between Sumer and the United States is slavery. Until 1863, slavery was legal in the United States (Harr Hess, 2002).The Emancipation Proclamation officially freed the slaves and outlawed slavery (Harr Hess, 2002). Those in the slave states did not immediately comply with the Emancipation Proclamation (Harr Hess, 2002). The Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution abolished slavery in America (U.S. Const. Amend. XIII). In contrast, slaves made up the lowest social class in Sumer. Unlike in the United States, the people of Sumer had a communal lifestyle. People did not work for money, nor did they compete to get rich at the expense of other individuals. The great majority safely depended on the head of their estate to fill their needs, and he, in turn, depended on them to increase and protect his wealth and position (Ellison, 1964, p. 22). Further, each city was conceived to be the special concern of one of the gods in Mesopotamia, and in a sense the equalitarianism of government placed each man in the position of being a guardian of that gods interests (Ellison, 1964, p. 24). In contrast, the United States has both urban and rural communities in which people work for money and attempt to better their social situation. Additionally, under capitalism people work for their own self-interests and have an opportunity to change their social class by getting an education and accumulating greater wealth. The objective of the criminal justice system in these two societies differed as well. In Sumer, punishment for crime attempted to make the victim whole again or was retribution commensurate with the type of harm inflicted. The Sumerian code of Ur-Nammu focused on restitution as the primary approach to criminal justice (Van Ness, 1991). In the United States, crime is defined as an offense against the State instead of against a specific individual (Van Ness, 1991). Because of this, the offender is not held personally responsible for restoring the victim. However, restitution is sometimes made part of sentencing and victims rights are becoming more important within the criminal justice system. The cultures, social class hierarchies, and legal systems of Sumer and the United States are significantly different; yet, the class structure and criminal justice system of Sumer offers unique insights into our own society. The similarities and differences highlight the importance of understanding where civilization began and where we intend to go from here. Because of the complexity of the relationship between social class and crime, it is vital to remain aware of the goals of the criminal justice system.

Coastal management

Coastal management Introduction This report studies the concepts surrounding coastal management. It includes the history of the British coastline in particular the East Anglian coast, the current theories of coastal protection and the challenges that will be faced in the future as a result of possible climate change. The report also describes the different responsibilities and roles that Government funded organisations such as The Environment Agency take in coastal protection management. The report focuses on coastal erosion and protection schemes in the East Anglian region. The History Of The East Anglian Coastline Throughout history Britains coastline has been under attack from the forces of the sea. This has lead to some significant changes in the coast over the last two thousand years or so. However these changes have not been constant. Fluctuations in temperature over hundreds of years have altered climates causing sea levels to alter, changes in levels of precipitation and varying probabilities of the occurrence of storm surges. As described by Cracknell (2005) East Anglias coast has changed significantly in the last two thousand years. This is shown in figure 1. taken from Cracknells (2005) Outrageous Waves. The map shows how the city of Dunwich, a settlement on Suffolks coast, has been eroded over the last seven hundred years. The map clearly shows how the sea gradually eroded the city of Dunwich taking with it many important buildings such as the Chapel of Francis. The past destruction of some of East Anglias coastline can be put down to storm surges, which can cause a large amount of erosion in a very shout amount of time. The scale of destruction cannot be seen over a long timescale, such as in figure 1 as averages are taken of the distance of land eroded. The East Anglian coastline has not only been destroyed by coastal processes but also new land has been created as a result of them. For example the now named Scolt Head Island off the coast at Brancaster has formed. This natural forming sand bar is now a natural sea defence protecting the local villages from possible erosion. Others villages on the other hand have not been that lucky with many of them falling victim to coastal erosion in the last hundred years or so. These include such settlements as Sidestrand, Slaughden and Eidesthorp. As stated by Cracknell (2005) â€Å"East Anglia is unlike many other parts of the British coastline as it is still being eroded to this day, at a significant rate.† This is mainly due to its geology of mainly clay and soft rocks. It is also believed to be due the isostatic readjustment of the United Kingdom caused by the melting of the ice caps after the last ice age. The resultant outcome from this process is that East Anglia is sinking below sea level. This is shown at Potter Heigham where a bridge built in 1385 has been disappearing under the water level. Coastal Processes Coastal Processes Introduction Coastal processes are made of inputs, outputs, transfers and stores. These ideas are used when designing new coastal management schemes, as it is vital for engineers not to design a scheme which will have a negative impact on the coastline. Coastal Erosion There are four main processes involved in the erosion of the coastline. The first is hydraulic action; this involves water compressing air inside small cracks in the cliff and causing the rock to fracture. The process also involves the actual force of the waves on the cliff face. The second process involved in coastal erosion is abrasion also known as corrosion. This type of erosion involves eroded material hitting the coastline. The material is carried by the forces involved in wave action. The third process is corrosion, which is a process whereby a chemical reaction takes place causing the coastline to erode. This process is not normally associated with East Anglias coastline as it predominantly involves the chemical reaction between sea water and limestone. Attrition is the final process and is when already eroded material is worn down further by contact with other material. Long Shore Drift Long shore drift is the process when eroded material is transferred down the coast by the sea. It principally acts in only one direction along the coastline and is a main factor when designing coastal defences. By altering this process eroded material can be prevented from being deposited further down the coast, thereby exposing the coastline to more coastal degradation. Natural Sea Defences Beaches Natural sea defences are normally a result of the transfer a deposition of eroded material. The most common natural sea defence is the beach. These form when eroded material is either deposited straight below the place of erosion or whereby eroded material is transported along the coastline by the process of long shore drift. Offshore land forms Offshore land forms are created when the forces involved in carrying eroded material by long shore drift become too small and material is deposited on the sea floor. These land forms create natural barriers against wave action and significantly reduce the amount of energy the waves have when they reach the coastline. Coastal Management To Date Coastal Management Introduction The English coastline is nearly 3000 kilometres long. Nearly two thirds of this coastline is protected by man-made sea defences put in place to protect against both coastal erosion and sea flooding. The East Anglian is however heavily protected as it is much more prone to coastal processes compared to other stretches of the English coastline. Bodies involved in Coastal Management Four main bodies are involved in the coastal management of East Anglias coastline. The first is The Environment Agency, which has no accountability to protect the coastline from erosion. However it is responsible to protect the land against flooding from the sea. This role comprises of designing and creating coastal flood defences, but also includes producing flood-warning systems. The second group involved in coastal protection is the local authorities, which have the power to protect the land from coastal erosion. Local authorities and The Environment Agency are both funded by DEFRA (Department for Environment Food and Rural Affairs). DEFRA is a government body which funds coastal schemes. Before these schemes are funded they have to go through rigorous assessment. This is done to prioritise the schemes for funding. Private landowners are the final group responsible for coastal protection. This group includes business which can afford to fund there own coastal management schemes. These do however have to be authorized by the local authority to make sure they comply with planning regulations. Government Policies The Government has four main policies concerning the protection of East Anglias coastline. These are shown in the table below. These policies are assigned to different stretches of the coast. The coast is split up into units and depending on the assessment made of the value of the land they will be put under the four different policies. Policy Name Action to be taken Do nothing No action to be taken to prevent the natural erosion of the coast Hold the line Create a defence to keep the coastline as it is Advance the line Produce a defence seaward of the current coastline defence Managed retreat Allow the sea to erode the coastline and create defences further inland Current Schemes East Anglias coast is split into four separate units. Each section has its own specific SMP (Shoreline Management Plan), which has been put together by the local authority and The Environment Agency. These are shown on the adjacent map taken from http://www.essex-estuaries.co.uk/EastAng lianStrategies/Coastal.htm Each unit is made up of many sub units, which have been assessed and assigned a coastal defence policy (eg. Hold the line). Map of East Anglias 4 different SMP units. http://www.essex-estuaries.co.uk/EastAnglia nStrategies/Coastal.htm Types of Defence There are two categories of sea defence which are used on the East Anglian coastline. These are hard defences and soft defences, each work in different ways to slow coastal degradation. Hard defences are constructed to create a static line of coastal protection. Whereas soft defences are designed so they are responsive to sea processes. Both categories of defence need to be designed with information on how local sea processes may react with their construction. Much research is carried out to find how the local tides, wave action and other factors will be affected by the introduction of new defences. This research may include scaled down models of the coastline and use of computer models. Hard Defences Sea Walls Sea walls have been used for many years now, in the protection of the East Anglian coast. The sea wall is mainly used as part of the hold the line coastal management policy. The walls are designed to deflect the wave energy away from the coastline. Early sea walls were vertical, but these designs were easily damaged and had to be repaired frequently. For example at Sheringham, where the sea wall had to be replaced after only five years. The reason these sea walls are no longer used is that they absorb most of the waves energy rather than deflect it like new sea walls. New sea walls are constructed with a curve to channel the waves energy back on itself. This however can have a negative effect on the beach, as it can cause more erosion to take place. The erosion can expose the foundations and eventually lead to the collapse of the sea wall. typical sea wall design taken from http://www.northnorfolk.org/coastal /microsite/documents/Coastal_Environment_002.pdf. Sea walls need foundations to provide stability to the structure. In this design piles have been used as they can penetrate deep into the ground to reach a suitable subsoil. A wave step constructed out of concrete has been incorporated into the design to break up the energy of the waves. A rubble drain is situated behind the step so that water does not build up and undermine the sea wall. Sea walls are very expensive compared to other sea defences. The main reason for the costs ranging from  £2000- £5000 per metre is that they can be quite complicated to construct. The need for pilling and large amounts of concrete makes the design very costly. However sea walls can last up to 30 years making them more cost effective. Groynes are used to slow down the process of long shore drift along the coastline. The groynes are built perpendicular to the coast so they catch sediment which is being carried by the sea. The construction of the groynes helps to increase the size of the beach and therefore creates a better natural defence against coastal erosion. Groynes are designed according to the strength and direction of long shore drift on the coastline. If badly designed groynes can stop the supply of sediment further along the coast. This has lead to the design of a new semi permeable groyne, which allows some sediment to travel through the groyne and travel along the coast. Figure 5 shows the more common impermeable groyne design. Most groynes are constructed from tropical hardwoods as they are resistant to erosion processes and marine animals which might try to burrow into the groynes. The groynes are supported by timber and steel piles to make sure they can withstand the forces of the sea. Diagram of impermeable groyne design. Taken from http://www.northnorfolk.org /coastal/microsite/documents/Coastal_Environment_002.pdf Revetments Revetments are used in the place of sea walls. They are normally used at the bottom of cliffs which are at the risk of collapse. The revetments act as sloping barrier to the sea, reflecting and absorbing the energy. Timber revetments are much cheaper than sea walls and have become a real alternative as they cost only  £1200 per metre. However they are prone to rapid degradation as seen at Weybourne cliffs. They are constructed using piles or a concrete apron to give the structure enough support to withstand forces during high tide events. Revetments are built so they are permeable structures, thus allowing sediment to build up behind it. This creates an additional protection at the foot of the cliff. However this can have its disadvantages, it can cause the foundations of the revetments to become exposed and ultimately undermine its structural integrity. They can be built from timber and pebbles, but recently there has been a tendency to design them using different sized rocks. This sort of design named rip rap has become more popular recently as it is seen as more aesthetically pleasing. Offshore Breakwaters Offshore reefs or breakwaters are used as a way to significantly reduce the amount of wave energy reaching the coast. By altering where the waves break on the coastline the size of beaches can be changed. Offshore breakwaters at Sea Palling have been very successful. The Environment Agency installed 9 reefs to protect the coastline. The diagram below shows how the breakwaters can significantly increase the size of the beach. However this success comes at a cost of several million for each reef. Soft Defences Beach Nourishment Beach nourishment is used where a beach is too small to act as a sufficient barrier against the coastal processes. It may involve the dredging of sediment from offshore stores which is then added to the beach. Another option is to collect and transport sediment from somewhere along the coastline which is in rich supply. Dredging is favoured as it does not involve the mixing of two sediment types which is believed to be less pleasing to the eye. Dredging can involve high pressure hoses which are used to spray sediment onto the beach. Managed Retreat Managed retreat is policy whereby a stretch of coastline is allowed to erode to a point where another line of coastal protection has been constructed. This enables a natural beach or other type of coastal landform to form creating a second line of defence. This sort of policy is becoming more popular with the realisation that not all of East Anglias coastline can be saved. Future Climate Change Past Climate Change Over the last thousand years or so Britains climate has changed many times. It has seen a small ice age and many fluctuations in temperature. With these changes there have been transformations in sea levels as well. It is described in Cracknells (2005) Outrageous Waves a period known as the medieval warm period which saw a large number storm surges. These storms are connected in Cracknells book to the warm period the United Kingdom experienced from 1300 to 1600. In which a number of coastal settlements were destroyed due to coastal erosion. This period was then followed by a period named the little ice age by Cracknell (2005) where the temperature decreased to the lowest in the last millennium in the 17th century. Then was followed by an increase to the temperature we have today. Predictions of Future Climate Change It is predicted by Cracknell (2005) that sea levels will rise significantly in the next century. Figure 7 shows a map of Britain with forecast sea levels in 2100 taken from Outrageous Waves, Cracknell (2005). This map shows the sea levels Cracknell believes to be most probable in 2100. The map shows how in East Anglia the sea level is predicted to rise as much as 69.6 cm by 2100. This sudden rise is said to be down to two factors by Cracknell (2005). Firstly due to the isotstatic readjustment of Great Britain. This is caused by ice melting and reducing the weight on earths crust causing some areas to rise and others sink. Secondly to the increased volume amount of water in the worlds oceans due to ice melt. Map of Britain with forecast sea levels in 2100 taken from Outrageous Waves, Cracknell (2005) It is suggested by Cracknell (2005) that the effects on the climate caused by global warming may only become apparent after a lag time. Cracknell states that this lag time maybe due to an acceleration of climatic changes as time progresses. He implies there will be more significant changes towards the end of the 21st century. Future Management Of The East Anglian Coastline It is stated in Making space for water a consultation exercise from DEFRA that a new coastal management strategy is needed to tackle the forecast climate changes. It also identifies that a significant proportion of Englands GDP is dependent on industry on the coast. This and other contributing factors have lead to DEFRA putting together a new and improved set of possible guidelines to prevent the degradation of Englands coastline. In Making space for water the possibility of changing roles of different bodies involved in coastal protection are argued. It is suggested that a new national authority could take control of all coastal protection. However this seems unlikely to happen, as it would reduce the amount of European funding coastal schemes could claim. It identifies in the DEFRA consultation exercise the need for sustainable development on the coast. It suggests that new developments in coastal regions need to be regulated better to ensure that they can be sustainable. This includes better planning guidelines to whether new developments built on flood plains and on eroding coasts should be protected with defences paid by the government or whether they should be built at all. It appears the idea of cost-benefit analysis is bound to continue to take an important role in the future of coastal management. This will be essential in deciding which areas of coastline need protecting in the future. However with the increasing realisation that the coastline is a natural landform, it is becoming more and more apparent that a policy of managed retreat will become more common. This policy is destined to become more popular as the cost of more complicated sea defences exceeds the value of the land they are meant to be protecting. I think it is clear from researching the current coastal policies in East Anglia and the possible consequences of predicted climate change that there will be significant changes in the coastline of Great Britain in 100-200 years. Moreover I feel that East Anglias coastline could change the most compared to others of coasts, mainly due to the fact it seems to be experiencing nearly all of the problems associated with coastal erosion. If not tackled effectively in the near future I envision East Anglia will face irreversible economic, environmental and social problems. References CRACKNELL, B., 2005.Outrageous Waves. Chichester: Phillimore CO. LTD SAMPSON, A., 1998. Processes affecting North Norfolks cliffs and coastal defences. Sheringham: Sheringham Museum Trust DEFRA (Department for Environment Food and Rural Affairs)., 2004. Making space for water, A consultation exercise. London: Defra Publications ENVIRONMENT AGENCY. Essex Estuarine Strategies. Available at http://www.essex-estuaries.co.uk/EastAnglia nStrategies/Coastal.htm on (5/01/2007) ALUN WITHERS, 2001. Document 2-Coastal Protection in North Norfolk. Available at http://www.northnorfolk.org/coastal/microsite/documents/Coastal_Environment_002.pdf. on (5/01/2007) DEFRA (Department for Environment Food and Rural Affairs), 2002.Soft Cliffs Manual for Managers. London: Defra Flood Management Division. Available at http://www.defra.gov.uk/environ/fcd/cliffsrepfinal2.pdf DAVID RAYNER BEAGLE GRAPHICS (GeoResources), 2001. Coastal Management. Available at http://www.georesources.co.uk/coastman.htm#L1 on (6/01/07) DOVER DISTRICT COUNCIL. Coast protection. Available at http://www.dover.gov.uk/coast/constructing-coast-defences.asp on (5/01/07)

The Giver :: essays research papers

The Giver Essay   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Have you ever felt like starting all over again? Many people would like to have the opportunity to make a new beginning. In the book, The Giver, by Lois Lowry, Jonas is making a new beginning by making an end.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Jonas is making an end by leaving the community. He leaves with Gabriel because he wants to experience true things outside the community. He was very hurt in the community because he could not share his feelings. He wanted to be able to share and experience his feelings with other people. He feels the community does many things that are bad or wrong. Jonas doesn’t seem to like what happens to people when they are released. He wants to change many ways people in the community are treated. Jonas makes a great a choice by leaving the community.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Jonas opens up many opportunities and choices when he leaves the community. â€Å"Jonas sobbed and shouted and pounded the bed with his fist† (Lois Lowry pg 152). Jonas is obviously angry in the situation he is in and with the choices he is given. He wants to have the privilege to make his own choices which he will be able to do outside the community. He can now find peace since he was able to leave and make his own choices . The choices will give Jonas a chance to find a job and other things that are important to his life. Jonas would finally be able to be happy with himself and what he has. It is good for Jonas to be able to have opportunities and choices.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Jonas is making a beginning outside of the community. â€Å"Soon there were many birds along the way, soaring overhead calling† (Lois Lowry pg 172). Jonas can finally make his own decisions. Jonas could have all the privileges the community took away.

La Traviata :: essays research papers

La Traviata A Commentary The film â€Å"La Triviata† displayed a fundamental romantic attack on conventional bourgeois morals, arguing that a good heart is more important than social acceptance, that the distinctions which split the beau monde (socially elite) from the demimonde (courtesans) are harsh and hypocritical, and that true love must triumph over all. Alfredo’s father destroyed this relationship when he pays visit to Violetta and request she break off the relationship with his son. Alfredo’s sister is engaged to be married, but if word of his affair with Violetta were to get out, the engagement would be terminated. During this time even the most respectful families would not even want to associate with another family in which one of the members was entangled with such a sinful person. This demonstrates that marriage is viewed as a business arrangement put together by families, rather than by the love between two people. Like the characters in the film, women in the 19th century didn’t have many choices in life. They were expected to get married and be supported by a husband. For those few who didn’t sometimes became prostitutes or if they were lucky, courtesans. Any woman who slept with a man before marriage was thought to be â€Å"ruined† (unfit to wed), and should be shunned as a social outcast. For many such women prostitution was a means of survival. Violetta represents the extent of female independence in the 19th century. She uses men to ‘survive’ by accepting gifts and money, but she is not trapped in the legal repression of marriage. Violetta’s life is filled with parties and wealthy male companions provide her with far more excitement in life than would the traditional role of marriage. However, Violetta’s choice is misleading, for she knows that a woman in this time can’t go against tradition without facing severe repercussions. Contradictions and hypocrisy was prevalent between the lives and values of the bourgeois gentlemen. Prostitution and gambling were extremely popular and widespread, at the same time they were being publically condemned. Men were expected to have mistresses whom they supported financially; but they were expected to conceal that fact, and they were expected not to fall in love with them.

Japanese Internment Camps Essays -- Japanese-Americans in WWII

World War II was a time of deliberate hate among groups of innocent people who were used as scapegoats. Japanese-Americans were persecuted due to the fact that they looked like citizens of Japan, who had attacked the United States on December 7th, 1941 at the naval base, Pearl Harbor. This hatred toward the group was due to newspapers creating a scare for the American people, as well as the government restricting the rights of Japanese-Americans. The Japanese-Americans were mistreated during World War II for no other reason than being different. These men, women, and children were loathed by the American public for looking like the people of the Japanese army that had attacked the United States. These people were only hated by association, even though many had come to the United States to create a better life for their family. The federal government ruled most of the reasons behind Japanese internment camps. Further than two-thirds of the Japanese who were sentenced to internment camps in the spring of 1942 were in fact United States citizens. The internment camps were the centerpiece for legal confines of minorities. Most camps were exceedingly overcrowded and with deprived living conditions. The conditions included â€Å"tarpaper-covered barracks of simple frame construction without plumbing or cooking facilities of any kind.† Unfortunately, coal was very hard to come by for the internees, so most would only have the blankets that were rationed out to sleep on. As for food, the allotment was about 48 cents per internee. This food was served in a mess hall of about 250 people and by other internees. Leadership positions within the camp were only given to the American-born Japanese, or Nisei. Eventually, the government decided that... ... group of citizens was treated during this time. Unfortunately, this is most likely due to the fact that it exposes the worst of the United States government. This treatment is treated as a blemish in the history of the United States to the United States citizens who learn about it. This is not the case at all for the Japanese-American people who experienced this, as well as the relatives of these people. The management of these people was a cruel and unjust act that was never shown for the harshness that it truly is. In Germany, it was called concentration camps, and it is known around the world as the worst time in history. In the United States, people brush the subject away, not showing any concern. In any other country, the United States would have been horrified, but it happened in our country. Thus, since the country is always right, this cruelty is ignored.

English Imperialism and Representations Essay

In William Shakespeare’s The Tempest Prospero, an exiled Naples duke, and his daughter, Miranda, are marooned on a remote island with the lone indigenous[1] inhabitant, a beast man named Caliban. Through his sorcery Prospero is able to enslave Caliban, the indigene, who toils for the benefit of Prospero and Miranda, the usurping colonial powers. While it is unclear if Shakespeare intended The Tempest to mirror English imperialism during the late 16th and 17th century, there are many congruencies between events in the play and events around the time of the play’s first performance in 1611. To begin with, in order to analyze these congruencies a brief overview of England’s New World[2] exploration and colonization is necessary. Next, Gonzalo’s interest in the island and his â€Å"plantation† scheme illustrate the English imperial yearning for the New World. In addition, the first exchange between Caliban and Prospero encapsulate the conflicts of indigenous people and the colonizers in an imperial relationship. Finally, the question remains if Caliban represents specifically Native Americans or broadly represents subjugated indigenous people by English colonization. Shakespeare’s The Tempest metaphorically represents English imperialism and encapsulates English sentiments towards the New World during the time of its cultural production. During the life of Shakespeare, especially around the time of the first performance of The Tempest, Europe engaged in imperialistic activities throughout the New World. In addition, during Shakespeare’s lifetime, England’s imperialistic activities would play a larger role in the country’s interests and developments. In Alden T. Vaughan article â€Å"People of Wonder: England Encounters the New World’s Native,† Vaughan describes how English perceptions of the Native Americans developed over the course of the 16th century. The English, while interested in the New World, did not play an active role in its initial exploration: â€Å"English people in the Tudor era lagged noticeably behind other Europeans in learning about the Americas. For nearly a century, English interest in the New World was surprisingly tangential, more a matter of curiosity than of conquest and based primarily on foreign rather than on English observation† (Vaughan, â€Å"People,† 13). For a majority of the 16th century the English received second hand accounts (writings and illustrations) of the New World. However, the English did make limited forays into developing first hand knowledge of the New World. Vaughan states, â€Å"The first document contact between the English and the Indians occurred in about 1502, when Sebastian Cabot†¦brought back [three men taken from Newfoundland]† (â€Å"People,† 14), but he continues, â€Å"Not until 1530, apparently, were other Indians brought to England, and not until 1553 did an English publisher issue a book with appreciable attention to America’s inhabitants† (â€Å"People,† 14). While slow to capitalize on exploring and colonizing the New World, the English â€Å"[became] actively involved in the exploration and conquest of the [Americas] and its peoples. Thereafter, England’s image of American natives reflected uniquely English experiences and expectations† (Vaughan, â€Å"People,† 13). One of the significant imperialist ventures around the time Shakespeare wrote The Tempest was the Jamestown colony. The English founded Jamestown in 1607, four years prior to the first performance of The Tempest. While a contemporary critic can only speculate the extent which the New World tantalized and influenced the English during this time, it must have had some sway on the popular imagination of English society, including Shakespeare’s. In The Tempest, the character Gonzalo demonstrates an interest with the pristine island setting that represents English imperial yearnings. After being shipwrecked on the island, Gonzalo first notices the natural beauty of the island. He exclaims, â€Å"How lush and lusty the grass looks! How green! † (2. 1. 53). From his initial observation of the health of the island, Gonzalo’s interest in the island soon becomes opportunistic: â€Å"Had I plantation of this isle, my lord –† (2. 1. 140). When Gonzalo says â€Å"plantation,† he means colonization. Gonzalo initial admiration for the island transforms into a scheme to start a colony; he envisions his colony as the antithesis of industry, a utopic society of idleness. Gonzalo describes his â€Å"plantation† in the following manner: â€Å"I’ the common wealth I would by contraries Execute all things; for no kind of traffic, Would I admit; no name of magistrate, Letter should not be known; riches, poverty, And use of service, none; contract, succession, Bourn, bound of land, tilth, vineyard, none; No use of metal, corn, or wine, or oil; No occupations; all men idle, all, And women too, but innocent and pure; No sovereignty—† (2. 1. 144-52) In Gonzalo’s colony people just lie around with no one telling them what to do; in addition, the women all stay virgins. Gonzalo’s companions quickly point out the impossibility of his Eden-like scenario. Sebastian indicates, â€Å"Yet [Gonzalo] would be king on [the island]† (2. 1. 153) to which Antonio adds, â€Å"The latter end of his commonwealth forgets the beginning† (2. 1. 154). From the comments by Sebastian and Antonio, it is clear Gonzalo’s scheme is not practical, but certainly Gonzalo’s sentiment must have appealed idealistically to English and Europeans tired of the social turmoil in the Old World. Benjamin Bertram notes in The Time is out of Joint: Skepticism in Shakespeare’s England contemporaneous to Shakespeare’s life, London’s mercantile interests, unemployment, overpopulation, and â€Å"[i]mmigrants from the province† all made colonial ventures appealing (58). Gonzalo’s fantasizing might tap into the socioeconomic conditions contemporary to the time of cultural production of The Tempest. For some Europeans the social turmoil of the Old World was a sore spot, yearning like Gonzalo for a fresh start and for a better society in the New World. French courtier Michel De Montaigne in his essay â€Å"Of the Cannibals† (1580) argues the New World inhabitants are no more barbarous or savage than the Old World denizens, suggesting things might be better in the case of the former. De Montaigne establishes, â€Å"I find (as far as I have been informed) there is nothing in that nation [the American Indians], that is either barbarous or savage, unless men call that barbarism which is not common to them† (119). De Montaigne alludes to the social problems of 16th century Europe in pointing out the hypocrisy of the Old World labeling the New World as â€Å"barbarous† or â€Å"savage. † Moreover, De Montaigne sees the New World inhabitants as closer to a natural state and less tainted by â€Å"human wit† when he observes, â€Å"It is a nation†¦that hath no kind of traffic, no knowledge of letters, no intelligence of numbers, no name of magistrates, nor of politic superiority; no use of service, of riches, or of poverty; no contracts, no successions, but common, no apparel but natural, no manuring of lands, no use of wine, corn, or metal† (120). Curiously, both Gonzalo and De Montaigne evoke the idea of unfettered idleness and non-use of wine, corn, and metal as a more natural society. Also, in painting an idyllic picture of the social items supposedly absent from the New World, De Montaigne overlooks that corn is a New World vegetable and that American Indians were familiar with the practice of fertilization, although maybe not â€Å"mannuring. † While a lot of De Montaigne’s generalizations of the New World inhabitants are arguable, he calls the readers attention to a litany of social items as evidence of the Old World tainted by â€Å"human wit. † However, De Montaigne sarcastically concludes that what the American Indians, supposedly, do with their dead is no more barbaric than what the Europeans do with the living by torturing people, stating â€Å"there is more barbarism in eating men alive than to feed upon them being dead; to mangle by tortures and torments a body full of lively sense, to roast him in pieces, to make dogs and swine to gnaw and tear him in mammocks†¦than to roast and eat him after he is dead† (120). De Montaigne’s relativistic view of transatlantic cultural practices demonstrates culture in the Old World was not necessarily better than culture in the New World. Some Europeans might have yearned for a reprieve from the rigid trapping of the Old World; the New World to them might have represented an opportunity for a fresh start, a chance to create a utopic society. The only problem was what to do about the indigenous people already there. The English public had a growing interest in the New World during Shakespeare’s lifetime, and The Tempest almost predicts the course of English imperialism would take. The exchange between Caliban and Prospero in Act 1 Scene 2 metaphorically represents the underlying conflicts plaguing indigenous people and English colonizers. Caliban represents prototypical native Other[3] as he argues against Prospero, the colonial master. Caliban’s articulation that he is the rightful owner of the island sounds like the universal grievance of many colonized people: â€Å"This island’s mine, by Sycorax my mother, / Which thou tak’st from me† (1. 2. 335-6). Caliban’s ownership stems from his mother, a witch, who bore him on the island, and this claim is reminiscent of many indigenous people who trace their social beginnings through a creation myth fixing them to the land. As Caliban goes on, his description of the initial friendly relationship he had with Prospero, parallels the prototypical dealings between indigenous people and colonizers. Often this friendly period includes an exchange of items and information between the two parties. Caliban describes the following: When thou cam’st first, Thou strok’st me and made much of me, wouldst give me Water and berries in’t, and teach me how To name the bigger light, and how the less, That burn by day and night. And then I loved thee And showed thee all the qualities o’ th’ isle, The fresh springs, brine pits, barren place and fertile. (1. 2. 337-43) Caliban attests he â€Å"showed† Prospero â€Å"the qualities† of the island, and in essence, Caliban taught Prospero how to survive on the island. This detail interestingly parallels the situation in Jamestown. B. J. Sokol in A Brave New World of Knowledge points out that â€Å"sojourning Europeans almost entirely depended upon the services of native inhabitants for material survival, and especially for food† (83). This grace period between indigenous people and colonizers, however, does not last forever. Sokol continues, â€Å"In both [The Tempest] and Virginia these services had at first been voluntarily offered [by Native Americans], then they were purchased or extorted, and finally there was refusal, resistance, and rebellion† (83). Soon the colonizer presses for more resources, more control over the land, and more control over the indigenous people: soon the indigenous people become the colonized. Caliban describes himself from the position of the colonized, â€Å"For I am all the subjects that you have, / Which first was mine own kin; and here you sty me / In this hard rock, whiles you do keep from me /The rest o’ th’ island† (1. 2. 345-7). Caliban’s central grievance is how Prospero has stripped Caliban of his autonomy and his control over the island. The central grievance for many colonized people is how the colonizer strips self-direction and control over ancestral lands from the colonized. Richard Hakluyt in his essay â€Å"Reasons for Colonization,† written in 1584 about the Virginia colonial project (125), succinctly describes the intentions of the English imperialism: â€Å"The end of this voyage [to North America] are these: 1. ) To plant Christian religion. 2) To traffic. 3. ) To Conquer. Or, to do all three† (129). As demonstrated earlier, Caliban is unhappy with his conquered status, a status Prospero confirms when he rebuts Caliban’s grievances, â€Å"Thou most lying slave† (my emphasis, 1. 2. 347). Prospero interestingly goes on to indicate his own inherent superiority and Caliban’s inherent inferiority, a privileging central to any colonial situation. Prospero states, â€Å"I have used thee, / Filth as thou are, with humane care† (1. 2. 348-9). Prospero ascribes the quality of â€Å"filth† to Caliban and â€Å"humane†-ness to his own actions. As the Hakluyt states, the first objective of the colonizer is â€Å"to plant Christian religion† or bring morality to the heathen indigenous people. Prospero’s ultimate argument for supplanting Caliban evokes the moral order the colonizer supposedly brings, for Prospero states the reason he has enslaved Caliban is because Caliban sought â€Å"to violate/ The honor of [Prospero’s] child† (1. 2. 350-1). From the perspective of the colonizer Caliban attempted to rape Miranda; however, from the perspective of the lone indigenous person Caliban attempted to propagate his culture: â€Å"O ho! O ho! Would’t had been done! / Thou didst prevent me; I had peopled else / This isle with Calibans† (1. 2. 352-4). While this relativism does not absolve Caliban of attempting to forcefully procreate with Miranda, it does not absolve Prospero of enslaving Caliban either. Unfortunately, Prospero uses one crime to justify another crime: Caliban’s attempted rape leads to his enslavement at the hands of Prospero. Furthermore, when Miranda tries to instill Caliban with a sense of guilt over his attempted rape, she states she â€Å"endowed [Caliban’s] purposes / With words that made them known† (1. 2. 360-1). However, by endowing Caliban with the language of the colonizer, Miranda has merely indoctrinated Caliban in the ideology of the colonizer in which Caliban, the colonized, occupies the margin. The colonizer’s language is a burden upon the colonized, for in order for the two groups to communicate the onus is on the colonized to learn the colonizer’s language. Caliban concurs with this onus when he says, â€Å"You taught me language, and my profit on’t / Is I know how to curse. The red plague rid you / For learning me your language! † (1. 2. 366-8). Another privileging in the imperial situation is the language and culture of the colonizer over the language and culture of colonized. For instance, Thomas Harriot spent time in the Virginia colony and wrote about the Algonquian people in Brief and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia; his English contemporaries criticized him for learning the language of the Algonquians (Bertram 59). Bertram notes, â€Å"the English feared much more than foreign languages, as contact with foreign cultures inspired probing questions about cultural identity†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (59). Miranda’s effacement of Caliban’s language demonstrates her fear of foreign language and culture. Just as Caliban threatens Miranda’s physical sanctity, he also threatens her cultural sanctity by not communicating in the controlled discourse. Clearly, the conflict between Caliban and Prospero in The Tempest metaphorically represents the imperialistic conflicts between the colonized and the colonizer. Lastly, although Caliban can metaphorically represent the colonized Other, did Shakespeare intend Caliban to represent Native Americans specifically? Alden T. Vaughan in his article â€Å"Shakespeare’s Indian: The Americanization of Caliban† examines the history of The Tempest analysis which attempted to see Caliban as representative of Native Americans. Vaughan concludes, â€Å"If an intentionalist reading is insisted upon, and if early interpretations of Caliban are taken into account, his principal prototype was probably the European wild man of Renaissance literature and iconography† (â€Å"Shakespeare’s,† 153). In addition, Ronald Takaki offers in â€Å"The ‘Tempest’ in the Wilderness† the context surrounding the first performance of the play; also, he explains how Shakespeare’s audience might have perceived the character of Caliban. Takaki explains the following: [T]he timing of The Tempest was crucial: it was first performed after the English invasion of Ireland but before the colonization of New England, after John Smith’s arrival in Virginia but before the beginning of the tobacco economy, and after the first contacts with Indians but before full-scale warfare against them. This was an era when the English were encountering â€Å"other† peoples and delineating the boundary between â€Å"civilization† and â€Å"savagery. † The social constructions of both these terms were dynamically developing in three sites—Ireland, Virginia, and New England. (143) If Shakespeare’s audience saw Caliban as more man than monster, they likely conflated all known savage Others in their perception of Caliban. When Prospero says, â€Å"This thing of darkness [Caliban] I / Acknowledge mine† (5. 1. 275-6), Caliban could seem more monster than man, â€Å"darkness† meaning evil, or Caliban could seem more man than monster, â€Å"darkness† referring to skin color. It is unclear what Shakespeare intended; however, how people interpret Shakespeare is entirely another matter. Although Vaughan dismisses the notion Shakespeare intended Caliban to be Native American, he supports the notion that Caliban can metaphorically be seen as Native American, stating, â€Å"metaphoric readings of The Tempest have had equal legitimacy with the older literal approach† (â€Å"Shakespeare’s,† 153). There are scholars who have a stake in seeing Caliban as solely meant to be Native Americans. An immediate thread of their inquiry is Caliban’s name, which might be an anagram from a variant spelling of the word canibal. John F. Moffitt and Santiago Sebastian in their text O Brave New People: The European Invention of The American Indian describe how the lurid European popular perception quickly associated cannibalism with the inhabitants of the New World. Moffit and Sebastian describe the following: Cannibalism was also the specific subcultural attribute of the aborigines of the Other World that, as might be expected, some European illustrators found most noteworthy. In a crude woodcut†¦, a German print of 1505†¦representing the earliest European depiction of American Indians†¦cannibalism becomes the foremost collective characteristic of the newly described peoples†¦. (264-5) While Europeans, according to Vaughan, were familiar with the concept of anthropophagi, or eaters of human flesh, such people were considered mythical (â€Å"People,† 15). Vaughan goes on to note, â€Å"So prominent did some accounts make the eating of human flesh that the word cannibal, from the Carib Indians who presumably practiced the vile custom, gradually replaced the older, more awkward, term for eaters of human flesh† (â€Å"People,† 15). Curiously, if Shakespeare meant to evoke the sensational trait of cannibalism ascribed to Native Americans by Europeans in his character Caliban, he does not develop the trait in the play. Conversely, if Caliban does not represent Native Americans, certainly the European characters within the play perceive his usefulness like Native Americans during the early 17th century. The play mentions dead or alive a Native American is profitable for displaying in England. Additionally, Trinculo notes, â€Å"[the English] will / lay out ten to see a dead Indian. (2. 2. 31-32). Later, Stephano schemes to capture Caliban, or as Vaughan euphemistically refers to Native Americans kidnapped by Europeans, â€Å"coerced American envoys† (â€Å"People,† 12). Stephano states, â€Å"If I can recover him [Caliban] and keep him tame and get / to Naples with him, he’s a present for any emperor that / ever trod on neat’s leather† (2. 2. 65-7). Although Caliban might have the same display value as a Native American in England, this fact does not necessarily make Caliban Native American. Within The Tempest, there is not enough strong evidence to support the reading that Shakespeare meant Caliban to be Native American. If Shakespeare intended Caliban to represent Native American then Leslie Fieldler notes, â€Å"Caliban’s attempt on Miranda’s virtue makes him ‘the first nonwhite rapist in white man’s literature’; his freedom song is ‘the first American poem’; and when he guzzles too much of Stephano’s wine, Caliban is ‘the first drunken Indian in Western literature’ (Vaughan, â€Å"Shakespeare’s,† 148). Native Americans struggle enough with poor representation in American society; there is not a pressing need to demonstrate Shakespeare intended Caliban to be solely Native American if it results in additional derision. In contrast, Jeffrey L. Hantman in â€Å"Caliban’s Own Voice: American Indian Views of the Other in Colonial Virginia† summarizes the 20th century importance of Caliban as a universal indigenous voice, â€Å"He is African, and he is Caribbean. He has been a native of Madagascar, Quebec, Cuba, Nigeria, Kenya, and Zambia. Today, he is sometime enslaved, and psychologically dependent, but he is also a guerilla, a revolutionary, and a hero† (71). Who Shakespeare intended Caliban to be is a non-issue for those who identify with Caliban. If people find an entryway into identifying with Caliban, then certainly Caliban becomes them as much as they become Caliban. Although it would be erroneous to claim Shakespeare meant The Tempest as an allegory for English Imperialism in the New World and Caliban solely represents Native Americans, the play does metaphorically represent English imperialism and encapsulates English sentiments towards the New World during the time of the play’s cultural production. A brief overview of England’s New World exploration and colonization demonstrates how the English perception of the New World and Native Americans transformed during the development of English imperialism. Within the play, Gonzalo’s interests in the island and his â€Å"plantation† scheme illustrate the English imperial yearning for the New World and an opportunity to develop a society closer to a natural state. Furthermore, the first exchange between Caliban and Prospero encapsulate the conflicts that mar imperial relationship between indigenous people and the colonizer. Moreover, although Caliban does not represent specifically Native Americans, he can broadly represent all subjugated indigenous people. There are many congruencies between events in The Tempest and events during the late 16th and 17th century English imperialism. The Tempest is an example where Shakespeare was not necessarily predicting a future outcome but more likely articulating the trajectory of a present English course. Works Cited Bertram, Benjamin. The Time is out of Joint: Skepticism in Shakespeare’s England. Newark, NJ: University of Delaware Press, 2004. De Montaigne, Michel. â€Å"From Of the Cannibals. † William Shakespeare The Tempest: A Case Study in Critical Controversy. Ed. Gerald Graff and James Phelan. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2000. 119-20. Hakluyt, Richard. â€Å"Reasons for Colonization. † William Shakespeare The Tempest: A Case Study in Critical Controversy. Ed. Gerald Graff and James Phelan. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2000. 125-34. Hantman, Jeffrey L. â€Å"Caliban’s Own Voice: American Indian Views of the Other in Colonial Virginia. † New Literary History 23. 1 (1992): 69-81. JSTOR. Winona State University, Darrell W. Krueger Lib., Winona, MN. 3 Mar. 2007 . Moffitt, John F. , and Santiago Sebastian. O Brave New People: The European Invention of the American Indian. Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 1996. Shakespeare, William. The Tempest. William Shakespeare The Tempest: A Case Study in Critical Controversy. Ed. Gerald Graff and James Phelan. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2000. 10-88. Sokol, B. J. A Brave New World of Knowledge: Shakespeare’s the Tempest and Early Modern Epistemology. Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 2003. Takaki, Ronald. â€Å"The ‘Tempest’ in the Wilderness. † William Shakespeare The Tempest: A Case Study in Critical Controversy. Ed. Gerald Graff and James Phelan. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2000. 140-172. Vaughan, Alden T. â€Å"People of Wonder: England Encounters the New World’s Natives. † New World of Wonders: European Images of the Americas, 1492-1700. Ed. Rachel Doggett, et al. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1992. – – -. â€Å"Shakespeare’s Indian: The Americanization of Caliban. † Shakespeare Quarterly 39. 2 (1988): 137-153. JSTOR. Winona State University, Darrell W. Krueger Lib. , Winona, MN. 3 Mar. 2007 . ———————– [1] Throughout the paper instead of simply using the term â€Å"natives,† I use indigenous people because the term â€Å"natives† carries negative imperialistic connotations. [2] I use the term New World provisionally in order to describe the dichotomy between Europe, the supposed Old World, and their realization of the Americas, which they dubbed the New World. [3] While some scholars have argued that Shakespeare intended Caliban to be representative of Native American, this intentionality is problematic. I will examine this later in the paper.

Learning Style Inventory

The two personality inventories that my cousin and I took part in measure the five factors that most psychologists use in studying the personality of the individual. However, each test was administered by a different group and found on a different website. Both tests provide a set of questions that measure what are considered to be the five basic dimensions of one’s personality: extraversion, emotional stability, agreeableness, conscientiousness, and openness to experience. Collectively, these dimensions are called the Big-5 dimensions. The first test is found on the website http://test.personality-project.org/. According to the website, the personality survey had two main objectives. The first is, â€Å"to find out more about these five dimensions of personality.† The second objective is, â€Å"To take part in and further the use of the internet as a collaborative and data collection tool.† Furthermore, the questions in the test were taken from International Personality Item Pool. The descriptions of each of the basic dimension were derived from the work of John Johnson. The participant was asked to rate the phrases that describe people’s behavior depending on how accurate they describe him. In addition to measuring the big-5 dimensions, the test also included items about one’s musical preferences and cognitive ability. There were a total of 60 questions about the big-5 dimensions and an additional 26 about musical preference and cognitive ability. Upon comparing my results of the test to that of my cousin, I found out that of the five dimensions measured, we differed significantly in only one dimension, extraversion. My cousin is considered to be more of an extravert than I am. In fact, he scored very high in the said dimension. On the other hand, out of 100, I only rated 34. He is considered to be highly sociable, energetic, and outgoing. My score, on the other hand, is seen as average. According to the description given, I am neither a loner nor a social butterfly. In other words, there are times I prefer to be around other people enjoying their company but there are also times that I prefer to be alone. For the dimension of agreeableness, we both were rated high, meaning, we both possess a strong interest in other people’s needs. As both our reports said, â€Å"You are pleasant, sympathetic, and cooperative.† For conscientiousness, both my cousin and I scored high. This high score indicates that we set our goals and aim to achieve these goals. Likewise, we are both considered to be hard-working and reliable. With regards to the dimension of emotional stability, both of us scored high which indicates that we are calm and not easily rattled or stressed. Furthermore, it says that we remain unaffected by intense situations. For the last dimension, openness, both my cousin and I scored average. According to our reports, this meant that we are not purely conventional nor are completely radical. In other words, we enjoy certain traditional things but are somewhat open to venturing out to unfamiliar things as well. The second personality inventory we took measure the same personality dimensions as the first. The test is available to anyone through the website: http://www.outofservice.com/bigfive/. There are a total of 48 items in the test. The participant is asked to rate their agreement with a given statement about themselves from a scale of 1 to 5 with 1 meaning complete disagreement and 5 meaning complete agreement. These items will see how the participant perceives himself to be like. My results in this test did not differ much from the first test. The main difference was that in this test, I scored low in openness to experience. In this test, I found out that I am conventional. In the earlier test I was neither conventional nor the opposite. For the other dimensions, my scores were very similar to the first. Basically, the test told me that I am well-organized and reliable. Also, it said that I am neither reserved nor particularly social. Furthermore, my results indicated that I was considerate of the feelings of other people and that I remain calm even in tense situations. On the other hand, the results of my cousin in this test remained consistent with his earlier test. As such, in this test, our differences lie in the dimensions of extraversion and openness. This test revealed that he was highly sociable and that was neither conventional nor complex. As for the dimensions of conscientiousness, agreeableness and emotional stability or neuroticism, our scores did not differ significantly indicating that we shared such personality traits. I learned several things from taking the two tests. First, it was able to tell me certain things about my personality. I discovered that I should not consider my self as completely unsociable for I do have the capability to mingle and enjoy my time with other people. I have long seen myself as being a loner but the tests have shown me that I indeed have it in me to enjoy the company of other people. Secondly, taking the test made me realize that indeed people who are alike tend to stay together. I am very close to my cousin. With our results being very similar, I realized that it was because we were very much alike in certain areas. Finally, the tests gave me a glimpse as to who I am. Although I know that the results do not sum up who I really am, I am glad to gain even just a faint idea as to who I really am. Reference: John, O (2003). The big-5 personality test. University of California, Berkeley. Retrieved 29 October 2007 from: http://www.outofservice.com/bigfive/. Revelle, W. (n.d). Internet Personality Inventory Survey. Northwestern University. Retrieved 29 October 2007 from: http://test.personality-project.org/.